Sunday, March 27, 2011

what's missing from miral

Is it possible that an American-born Jew could make a good movie about Palestine?  Theoretically, sure.  Unfortunately, Julian Schnabel's Miral is not that film.

Let us leave aside for a moment the numerous artistic problems of the film--the Interchangeable Brown Person Casting of Indian-Portuguese Freida Pinto in the title role; the atrocious script; the mediocre directing of even veteran actors; the numerous fudges of geography (I really do not think there is a checkpoint anywhere between Haifa and Jerusalem); and the many painful incidents of characters pausing to explain things for the benefit of the audience that would be perfectly obvious to any Palestinian as part of their lived experience (my favorite: one Arabic-speaking character explaining to another Arabic-speaking character what intifada means...and getting the translation wrong.)  All these shortcomings are present, but Miral's deepest flaws are political.

The main story of the film takes place primarily in occupied East Jerusalem in the years between 1967 and the First Intifada.  Yet through the magic of Hollywood, we're presented with an occupied Jerusalem in which the occupation is almost completely invisible in people's daily lives.  In this fantasy Jerusalem, no hostile soldiers roam the streets of the Old City, outlandishly large guns slung over their shoulders, alternating between flirting with tourists and harassing the locals for sport.  No crowds of women linger outside police stations waiting for news of arrested husbands, sons and brothers.  No squat green police cars prowl the streets at night declaring curfew.  Miral and her religious father cheerfully plant flowers in the garden at the Haram al-Sharif without ever having to pass through a phalanx of riot cops to get there.

There is Israeli violence, yes: a home demolition in a refugee camp, a demonstration met with live ammunition, and a chilling sequence in which Miral is arrested, humiliated and beaten unconscious in an Israeli police station, which feels so vividly authentic because it is a true story from author Rula Jebreal's youth.  In these scenes the reality of occupied Palestine is momentarily visible through the Hollywood trappings.  But the Israeli violence is always a reaction to Palestinian resistance--with the unspoken implication being that if Palestinians would stop resisting, everything would be fine.

But that is not the reality in Palestine at all.  What Miral misses entirely is that Palestinian resistance is itself a reaction to the lived reality of Israeli colonization and ethnic cleansing.  It's the daily, lifelong parade of insults, humiliations, difficulties, pain and suffering imposed by the occupation that fuels Palestinian resistance again and again.  Palestinians don't have to do anything special to invite repression from the Israeli state.  They just have to exist.  Without showing the daily grind of misery and oppression that Palestinians face, Palestinian resistance becomes completely unmotivated, or motivated by abstract hatred of "the Jews"--which is exactly how Americans like their violence from Arabs.

Also missing from Miral is the mass popular character of the First Intifada, which was primarily a movement of strikes, boycotts and unarmed street protests--not unlike those sweeping the Middle East today.  It was a mass movement which touched all of Palestinian society.  Yet Miral manages to separate its main characters' daily lives from revolt, struggle and politics--something absolutely unheard of in Palestine.  Resistance is portrayed as a marginal, exotic, minority activity, alien and separate from ordinary people's lives.

The two characters who are unambiguously positive forces in Miral's life--her adoptive father (Alexander Siddig) and teacher Hind Husseini (Hiam Abbass)--are openly hostile to resistance.  Not only is this politically reactionary; it's completely unbelievable.  If there is one defining characteristic of life in Palestine, it's the way in which politics forces its way into every aspect of people's lives, making the most ordinary tasks into de facto acts of resistance.  It's highly implausible that someone like Hind Husseini, who flies a Palestinian flag in her window (and somehow manages to get away with it in the pre-Oslo days when such an act was an arrestable offense) would berate her young students for attending demonstrations at a time when the whole of Palestinian society was in revolt.

While Miral herself frequently gives militant speeches, her forays into resistance seem naive and ineffectual and universally end in disaster.  A fellow student is killed at a demonstration and the anger is directed not at the soldier who saw fit to shoot an unarmed teenage girl, but at Miral herself for being so stupid as to drag her friend along to a protest.  Her fling with a vaguely-defined "PLO activist" results in arrest, torture, and alienation from her father.  Throughout it all, everyone's goals and politics are vague and muddy, and Miral comes off looking stupid and manipulated.  Even her wish for "one country where we can live together with equal rights" is dismissed as the silly dream of an idealistic child, as the film becomes an unabashed Oslo Accords love-fest in its closing moments.

We get a glimpse of Schnabel's politics earlier in the film, in a long, overly expositional rant against settlers as the driving force behind the occupation.  By placing the blame on settlers, Schnabel lets the rest of Israeli society off the hook for the original act of colonization.  This goes hand-in-hand with his strident defense of the two-state "solution," despite what seems to me to be overwhelming evidence that it is both impossible and unjust.  The blame-the-settlers-for-hijacking-our-country-which-is-otherwise-perfectly-fine logic is essentially the J Street position, and Miral is J Street politics in a movie.  A component of this politics is the idea that the majority of Palestinians just want to live their lives but are being held hostage by a stubborn minority who insist on resisting and fucking everything up for everyone else who just wants to live in peace.  Completely missing, of course, is the idea that Israeli occupation, colonization and apartheid is itself the thing that is holding back genuine peace with justice.

The final element missing from Miral is more subjective and ephemeral.  Through a maudlin, directionless script and the overuse of tragic music, Schnabel manages to suck all the emotional intensity out of one of the most intense places on earth.  Schnabel's Palestine is a dreary tragedy, completely devoid of the warmth, wicked humor, communal strength and indomitable spirit that most visitors fall in love with when they travel there.  Completely lost is the idea that resistance (in whatever form one chooses) can be a source not just of suffering but of empowerment and joy, and that despite a seemingly endless supply of pain, Palestine is a place worth loving and fighting for.

Tuesday, March 1, 2011

the cruelty is in the details

In his report to the United Nations, Judge Richard Goldstone described the actions of the Israeli state as "a deliberately disproportionate attack designed to punish, humiliate and terrorize a civilian population."  He was writing, of course, about Operation Cast Lead, the 22-day Israeli assault that pulverized the Gaza Strip in the winter of 2008-2009.  But I've often thought about how perfectly those words describe so many things that Israel does.

The Israeli repressive machinery has had a long time to develop--over sixty years--and consequently it is very finely tuned.  There are many states that treat the populations under their control with just as much violence as Israel does, but few that do it with such precise, intentional, and coldly calculated sadism.

The latest example comes to me thanks to the excellent reporting of Joseph Dana, writing on the left-wing Israeli blog +972 Magazine.  Dana travels frequently throughout the West Bank to document Palestinians' nonviolent struggles and their repression.  Lately the village of Nabi Saleh has been the site of the following scene:

Heavily armed Israeli soldiers enter the village at two or three in the morning.  They surround the houses and wake everyone up.  What are they doing in the village at three in the morning?  They are photographing children--all the male children of the village.  They have a list.  Why are they doing this?  So that when they arrest the boys, they'll know who's who.  Why is the Israeli army arresting teen and pre-teen boys?  So they can torture them into implicating their parents and their parents' friends, who are organizing nonviolent resistance in the village.

But they don't just go about their torture of children willy-nilly.  No.  They pre-screen.  Children arrested the first time are given a brief "interview" and released after an hour or two.  Based on these interviews, the Shabak (secret police) decide which of the children are weakest and most likely to "confess" that certain adults are the leaders of the village popular committees that organize the demonstrations.  These kids are then arrested again and tortured.  One of the unlucky boys in Nabi Saleh was Islam Tamimi, age 14.  Apparently whatever he said after a terrifying late-night arrest, hours of questioning, sleep deprivation, stress positions, and exposure to nighttime cold was not good enough, because his 11-year-old brother was arrested the next day.

I have heard many stories of Palestinian children being arrested in the West Bank.  But for some reason no one ever really explained the full horror of it.  It's something about the two-step process that gets me.  This isn't random harassment or reactionary violence.  It's targeted, deliberate, premeditated.  Someone planned it.  They sat down and thought: What is the most efficient way to traumatize children?  How can I do this in a way that will inflict the most fear, pain and suffering on the greatest number of people?  The boy, subjected to an adult-sized dose of repression.  His parents and siblings, who often don't know where he's been taken but certainly know what is happening to him.  The village activists, painfully aware that this is retaliation for their organizing.  The whole village, subjected to collective punishment for its resistance.

The final cruelty is that the confessions that these children almost always sign after hours or days of suffering and terror are completely superfluous.  Israel doesn't need an excuse to arrest anyone in the West Bank.  They charged Bil'in activist Abdallah Abu Rahmah with weapons possession for having a peace sign made of spent tear gas canisters in his yard.  He is still in prison.  And it's not as if the popular committees and their leaders are underground or secret.  They have websites and Facebook pages.  They host internationals and Israelis in their homes every Friday.  Everyone in the village knows who they are.

So, you might ask, what is the point?  To deliberately scar the next generation, by giving young boys the experience of being broken under torture before they reach puberty?  To make children feel the overwhelming power of the Israeli state from a young age?  To teach them, at 10 or 12 or 14, what it feels like to be made to denounce someone you know and trust and care about, to watch them be dragged off to prison, possibly for years, because of a piece of paper you signed despite the fact it was most likely written in a language you cannot read?

One of the hardest things to explain to people who are not familiar with the Occupied Territories is the sheer number of things Israeli soldiers and police do just because they can, for no reason other than to prove their power over the civilian Palestinian population.  Sometimes the dominance is banal--a long line or a petty humiliation at a checkpoint.  Sometimes it's a surgical strike: resist and we will take your children away in the night and hurt them.  While the Arab world burns with revolution, the machinery of Israeli colonialism grinds on, cold, implacable, and thoroughly planned.

This is why certain famous people glibly condemning the "nihilism on both sides of the conflict" sends me into apoplectic fits on the internet.  Because anyone who actually bothers to look can quite easily see a different reality in Palestine: on one side, a vicious colonial state armed to the teeth by the US, and on the other, a 14-year-old boy, waking up at two in the morning to find soldiers around his bed.  That people continue to resist under such conditions, with whatever means are available to them, is not nihilism.  It's a demonstration of unbelievable courage.