Monday, December 29, 2008

slaughter in gaza

While most of the US is wandering around in a post-holiday coma, Israel has begun what may soon become the most violent action in occupied Palestine in decades.

Three days of air raids in the Gaza Strip have left at least 300 people dead and many more wounded, and the New York Times reports that "Israeli troops and tanks [are] massed along the Gaza border" in preparation for a possible ground invasion. Gaza has been declared a "closed military zone" by Israel--which in practice often means that civilians, especially journalists, are not to be allowed in while the Israeli military does its dirty work.

According to eyewitnesses on the ground, Israeli air raids have already targeted police stations, mosques, the Islamic University, the Al Aqsa television station building, the largest prison in Gaza City, numerous residential buildings, the fishing port, and crowds of people just waiting for the bus. Hospitals, already low on basic supplies because of the 18-month-long economic blockade that has strangled Gaza, are being overwhelmed by casualties.
At Shifa Hospital in Gaza City, women wailed as they searched for relatives among bodies that lay strewn on the hospital floor. One doctor said that given the dearth of facilities, not much could be done for the seriously wounded, and that it was “better to be brought in dead.” (NYT 12/29/08)
And all signs show that it's only going to get worse.

The Israeli army, as always, claims it is only targeting "militants" from Hamas, who have been firing rockets into Southern Israel since their shaky six-month "ceasefire" with Israel expired. (The ceasefire did not, of course, include a cessation of the Israeli economic blockade, ensuring that plenty of collective punishment could still be meted out during the so-called truce.)

The problem, of course, is that the Gaza Strip has a population density higher than New York City. So even if the Israeli military sincerely wanted to hit only "military targets," it would be virtually impossible. And of course, the Israeli military wants nothing of the sort. In fact, they have a well-documented policy of systematically targerting civilians--including unarmed international peace activists wearing bright orange jackets while protecting children.

As usual, the American media has not captured anything near the level of destruction currently being visited on Gaza--although at least some other mainstream news outlets are making an effort. For eyewitness reports and up-to-date coverage, I HIGHLY recommend Electronic Intifada, as always, an indispensable resources for unbiased, factual Middle East news.

There were protests in New York, DC and several California cities over the weekend (as well as many international protests) and there area sure to be more to come. Check your local Indymedia site for updates.

Note: In the time it took me to write this post, the New York Times updated its totals to 350 dead and 1,500 wounded.

Friday, December 26, 2008

movies i loved in 2008

I'm not calling this my "best of 2008" list, since I don't consider myself nearly cinematically well-versed enough to declare these the *best* movies of the year. (Except for #1, which clearly is.) But here, in no particular order, are some movies that moved me in 2008.

1. Milk. No surprises there. Artistically, technically and politically the best movie I have seen in ages. I've already raved quite a bit about this film, so I'll leave it at that. It's enough validation for me to know that Roger Ebert and A.O. Scott agree.

2. Man on Wire. Suspenseful, funny, and ultimately transcendent, this engaging documentary about a small group of people who put an incredible amount of energy into doing something extremely risky simply for the sake of art is a gem. I'm working on a longer post about this film, so I'll save the rest for later.

3. Standard Operating Procedure. Errol Morris can interview like no one else. This absorbing documentary about the Abu Ghraib torture scandal looks "beyond the frame" of some of what are now among the most iconic images of the Iraq war. The film is a compelling look at how ordinary people become capable of doing dehumanizing, violent things to other people, but it doesn't villify its subjects. Indeed, you end up feeling a bit sorry for Lynddie England and the other American soliders--all low-ranking--who faced charges for Abu Ghraib when the brass who gave the orders, explicitly or implicity, to "soften up" prisoners got off the hook. The film also provides a rare, insightful glimpse into the murky military soup of regular soldiers, private "security contractors" and intelligence agencies running around Iraq today. A must-watch for any antiwar activist.

4. The Dark Knight. In my opinion, proof that a "big" franchise movie can still be intelligent, brilliantly acted, philosophically engaging and genuinely disturbing. Okay, I know it was about half an hour too long. (That whole bit in Hong Kong was entirely unncessary, if you ask me.) But stuffing two incredible performances--Aaron Eckhart would have been the standout in any movie that didn't also include Heath Ledger's virtuoso last work--into one movie that also requires flipping over an 18-wheeler takes time.

5. Wall-e. Critics have been naming this the best movie of 2008. I think there were better films (see #1, above). But I have no doubt that this film will be studied for years to come--not just by critics and filmmakers, but by linguists, graphic designers and sociologists. Wall-e is a triumph of non-verbal storytelling, of anthropomorphization (is that a word?) and certainly of the lush, incredibly detailed Pixar animation style.

6. Che. Part 1 is a brilliant, perceptive portrait of the Cuban Revolution and an all-around excellent movie. Part 2 is less successful, and actually drags a bit at times, but at least partially makes up for it with three or four shots that are absolutely devastating. Again, I'm working on a longer post about this film, so I'll just say that Che, while far from perfect, deserves high priase for genuinely seeking to understand a controversial historical figure without either lionizing or demonizing him.

And finally, here are four films I've been dying to see, but haven't been able to yet. I have a hunch most of these would have made it on the list above, so I'm mentioning them here. Call these "movies I can't wait to see in 2009."

1. Waltz with Bashir. All you have to say is "animated autobiographical Israeli film about the 1982 invasion of Lebanon" and you've got my attention. But after finally seeing the absolutely mind-blowing trailer, and hearing Karen Wang of Scarlett Cinema call it a "masterpiece," it is now firmly on top of my viewing list.

2. Frozen River. Two single moms confront grinding rural poverty by smuggling undocumented immigrants across the US-Canadian border. Written and directed by newcomer Courtney Hunt, this film seems from all reviews to be one of those rare films that draws suspense not from plot contrivances, but from the utterly believable, utterly desperate circumstances in which the characters find themselves.

3. Let the Right One In. In a year full of vampires, this Swedish vampire tale, of sorts, proves there's more to be sucked from the vampire myth than Robert Pattinson's gravity-defying hairstyle.

4. XXY. Again, I thank Roger Ebert for the tip-off about this well-reviewed Argentine film about an intersex teenager growing up on a remote island. Is the protagonist Alex male or female, straight or gay; both; neither? Does it matter? This film seems to wrap these questions, which may or may not get answered, in a delicate coming-of-age tale that explores many things without feeling the need to shout its message too loudly.

Monday, December 22, 2008

obama watch: slap in the face in 3, 2, 1...

I have a confession to make.

I am guilty of the greatest sin of a student of history: forgetting the lessons of the past. I was seduced--reluctantly, half-heartedly, and when I absolutely should have known better. I was charmed, at least a bit, by image and illusion, into forgetting a bitter reality that eight years of activism have proven to be true again and again.

On election night, I watched thousands of ecstatic African-Americans...nay, ecstatic Americans...pour into the streets of New York, Washington, DC and other cities, overwhelmed with joy. And it melted even my cynical fuck-the-two-party-system heart. This was a historic moment, to be sure. A great barrier had fallen, and I'll admit that even I was at least partially taken in by the messianic Obama glow. Despite the warning cries of the little Marxist on my shoulder (I think it might be Peter Camejo) I started, almost, to believe that this guy was at least somewhat genuine. I know, I know! As a revolutionary socialist and a long-term third-party organizer, I of all people should know better. What can I say? The Obama phenomenon (Obamenon?) is powerful indeed. I daresay very few on the left escaped that tractor beam.

Thankfully, history saw fit to correct my momentary delusion, and hastily indeed. Obama is not even in office yet, and already he's working overtime to tarnish that shiny halo as much as possible. The sparkle started to fade with his first appointment, power Zionist Rahm Emanuel, and took a big hit when Obama decided to retain Iran-Contra-entangled former CIA director Robert Gates, Rumsfeld's heir apparent, as Secretary of Defense, and appoint mysoginist globalization guru Larry Summers as head of the National Economic Council.

My fellow degenerates, we have now reached 100% disilluionment. What was the slap in the face that shook me out of the temporary hypnosis that foolishly made me believe we could expect any genuine change from the two-party system? Why, of course, Obama's choice to appoint anti-gay, anti-abortion evangelical zealot Rick Warren to give the invocation on Inauguration Day.

Who, might you ask, is Rick Warren? He is not just your average crazy Christian. He is the pastor of Saddleback Church, the Orange County megachurch that provided a significant portion of the money and foot soldiers behind Prop 8.

Your next question, quite justifiably, might be, why? Why, out of all the thousands of religious leaders in the US, did Obama decide to pick this guy? Because he's only too eager to pander to the Christian right? Because he doesn't care nearly as much about the activist base that propelled him to victory as they do about him? Because he thinks that progressives will continue to fogive him because they're so happy to be rid of Bush? Or D, all of the above?

Obama might feel like a rock star right now, but if you ask me, he is playing with fire. When you build up people's hopes and dreams and then dash them, when you hold out the promise of a better world and then snatch it away, people tend to get angry. Professional liberals are already in a tizzy of hurt and confusion over how Obama's administration is shaping up. And recent events--from the surge of Prop 8 protests, to the Republic factory occupation, to the current occupation of the New School--have shown how quickly the deep anger churning under the surface of US society can flare up.

If Obama is not careful, I think there is a good chance he will be remembered not as a Lincoln or a Kennedy, but as much more like another liberal who rode to victory on a wave of dicontent with war, racism and inequality--Lyndon B. Johnson--who, coincidentally, holds the record for the largest inagural crowd in history. 1.2 million people descended on Washington to watch him take office in January 1965, aglow with his promises of a War on Poverty. Instead, Johnson delivered a war in Vietnam and an increasingly violent crackdown on the protest movements of the '60s--in many cases, on the very people who had helped him get elected just a few years earlier. The result was four years of rage--and the Democrats' loss in 1968, as their young, progressive base came to the realization that they change they wanted was something that politicians were neither interested in nor capable of delivering.

Of course, no one can predict what an Obama administration will bring, and it's useless and simplistic to try to fit the template of history past onto the current situation. Indeed, in many ways, the world we live in today is far more volatile than America in the 1960s. I am indeed hopeful for the years ahead. I think change is on the horizon. But not at all--indeed, least of all--because of who is in the White House.

Tuesday, December 16, 2008

hate crime in brooklyn

Jose Sucuzhanay was not gay, nor was his brother Romel. But someone thought they were, and now Jose is dead.

The two brothers were walking home arm in arm (as is common in their native Ecuador) through Bushwick after attending a church party and then stopping at a bar afterward. Half a block from Jose's apartment, they were jumped by a group of men shouting anti-gay and anti-Latino slurs. Jose was attacked with a beer bottle and a baseball bat, fracturing his skull, and died Friday at Elmhurst Hospital.

Jose's death was a grim reminder that (despite what some people may think) anti-gay violence is still a real threat--and hate crimes against Latinos have risen sharply in the past few years.

CNN has brief video of a protest against Jose's murder (although they neglect to mention the homophobic part of the attack.) Despite the fact that witnesses heard Jose's attackers yelling both racist and homophobic slurs, the attack has not been categorized as a hate crime by the NYPD.

support mary beth maxwell for secretary of labor

Thirty years after Harvey Milk made history in San Fran, Obama has a chance to appoint the nation's first openly gay Cabinet member, Mary Beth Maxwell, as Secretary of Labor.

In addition to being an out lesbian, Maxwell was a former national organizer of both Jobs With Justice, an activist group aimed at organizing low-wage workers, and NARAL. She is currently the executive director of American Rights at Work, a pro-union nonprofit.

Will appointing a lesbian labor organizer to a Cabinet-level position automatically make things better? Of course not (especially given Obama's recent backpedaling on his campaign promise to repeal "Don't Ask, Don't Tell" and some of his questionable economic advisers.) Will getting a pro-union queer through a Congressional confirmation hearing be easy? Hell no. But it can't possibly hurt to try.

You can join the event on Facebook to support Maxwell's nomination or visit the Equal Rep website for more info. Days of action to call and email your support are Dec. 17-19.

Monday, December 15, 2008

defend the baghdad shoe-thrower!

Iraqi reporter Muntader al Zaidi (numerous transliterations of his name exist) has become an international hero overnight for throwing his shoes at President Bush on Bush's "farewell" visit to Iraq.

Could there be a more perfect image to close out the last disastrous eight years of Bush? Remember, back before 9/11, when Bush was just a global embarrassment instead of responsible for two barbaric wars? I couldn't have imagined any better way of encapsulating the Bush administration--Bush coming face to face with the global anger over his crimes, and looking like an idiot while doing it.

But while much of the world reacted, appropriately, with glee to the shoe-throwing incident, things are not currently so funny for Muntader. After being hastily arrested and possibly beaten by Iraqi security forces, Muntader remains in detention. At least three separate petitions are currently circulating for his release.

Perhaps some of his anger at Bush came from the recent US bombing of Sadr City, which he covered for al-Baghdadia television. Whatever the genesis of the shoe-throwing plot, Muntader has inspired a global movement. As one commenter wrote on the Facebook group supporting Muntader (which has rapidly accumulated over 10,000 members): "This guy will go down in history as a hero. Someday when I'm 80, I'll go to the Middle East and say to another 80-year-old, 'Do you remember the guy who threw his shoes at Bush?' and we'll both laugh until we cry."

After taking a moment to do your part to protect our brave shoe-throwing hero, be sure to take some additional joy at some of the things his actions have wrought in just a few short days. I particularly like this (from a British version of The Onion) and this.

jon stewart + mike huckabee = awwwwesoooome!

In case you missed it, here is the full clip of Jon Stewart nailing Mike Huckabee on gay marriage on last week's Daily Show.

Huckabee was on promoting his book, Do the Right Thing, "a vision for a smarter, fairer type of politics," and Jon Stewart, bless his heart, responded with a hearty "WTF?"

support newsweek on gay marriage article

Newsweek, a magazine not particularly known as a bastion of raging liberalism, has come under fire for running a cover article on "The Religious Case for Gay Marriage."

The article, which is a fairly detailed scriptural analysis supported with quotes from a variety of Christian and Jewish religious leaders, is not particularly radical. In fact, it's resolutely pro-monogamy and even pretty anti-divorce. It simply makes the argument that the definition of marriage has changed greatly in the past several thousand years, and that trying to look for scriptural pronouncements on marriage is about as sensible as trying to follow the instructions in Leviticus on the proper way to slaughter a goat. It also argues (gasp!) for an interpretation of Christianity based on love and inclusiveness.

This was apparently unacceptable to the right-wing American Family Association, which launched a letter-writing campaign that inundated Newsweek with over 40,000 letters in a matter of days and resulted in the magazine having to shut down the online comments section associated with the article.

The Human Rights Campaign has set up a webpage where you can easily send a personalized letter of support to Newsweek, thanking them for taking a stand on the issue.

After you read the article and send in your letter, it's worth checking out a few other things on their website--particularly a new poll that shows support for gay marriage and other expressions of gay civil rights growing, despite a number of election setbacks across the country. I was also particularly moved by this article (and a follow-up article that covers some of the same ground) from Newsweek editor David Jefferson on his gay wedding.

Sunday, December 14, 2008

catherine hardwicke canned by "twilight" producers

Despite the fact that I skewered Twilight in my review on Scarlett Cinema, I was just as pissed as the next aspiring female filmmaker to learn that Catherine Hardwicke has been booted as director for the film's two planned sequels, New Moon and Eclipse. (Plans to film the series's gruesome and bizarre fourth book are not yet finalized.)

Say what you will about the film's quality (and believe me, I have). There is no doubt that it was a resounding commercial success, and will probably end up as one of the top ten grossing films of 2008. And, while I have my beef with the Twilight series, I believe very little of what leaves a bad taste in my mouth can be laid at the feet of Hardwicke herself.

While production company Summit Entertainment is reporting that the decision was due to "scheduling conflicts," at least one blogger, Nikki Finke at Deadline Hollywood, is reporting that Summit found Hardwicke "'difficult' and 'irrational'" and her agent Beth Swofford "alternately ineffectual and hysterical."

While the real truth may never be known, it's pretty hard not to see Hollywood's double standard at work here. "I can't help thinking that a guy director who's brought in over $140 million on a budget of under $40 million would be treated differently," noted Melissa Silverstein at Women and Hollywood.

And who will be replacing Hardwicke? Why, the producer of American Pie! Okay, to be fair, Chris Weitz also directed the well-respected About a Boy. But still...

VICTORY at republic windows & doors!

A few days ago I wrote a brief post about the workers at Republic Windows & Doors in Chicago, who decided to occupy their factory after they were given only three days' notice of its closing and denied severance pay, accrued vacation pay and health care.

Just six days after they started their occupation--and after a flurry of media attention and coordinated protests at Bank of America buildings in Chicago and across the country--the workers won nearly $2 million in severance pay and health insurance coverage from Bank of America, Republic's main creditor.

New details also came out about Republic--including the fact that the owners of the plant had quietly purchased and were running a similar, non-union, factory in Iowa. And the fact that the settlement with BoA nearly fell apart when CEO Richard Gillman tried to demand extra cash to cover the leases on his BMW and Mercedes, as well as nearly $35,000 in salary for himself.

While the workers at Republic are still out of a job (for the moment, at least) there is no doubt that they've scored a big victory. They received messages of support from as far away as Japan and France, and the media attention they attracted was a big factor in pressuring local politicians (including Senate-seat-selling Illinois governor Rod Blagojevich) to at least act like they were on the side of the workers--most importantly, by not arresting them.

The Republic sit-in shows just how quickly militancy can develop in a crisis--and the importance of organization. Without the planning of union organizers--who noticed management sneaking important equipment out of the plant several weeks ago and began to plan for a fight--anger at the closing might easily have dissipated into despair. But when presented with a plan of action, workers voted unanimously in support of an occupation.

It also shows how easily ordinary people can summon considerable reserves of cooperation, self-organization and discipline when necessary. During their brief six-day action, the Republic workers organized themselves into three shifts and set up committees for security, safety and cleaning. A sign on the cafeteria wall made it clear that no drugs, alcohol or smoking were allowed inside the plant during the occupation.

Finally, it shows what can happen when working people suddenly become aware of their own power. "See that sign up there?" the local's vice president Melvin Maclin said. "Without us, it would just say 'Republic,' because we make the windows and doors. This shows that you can fight--and that you have to fight."

It's not clear yet what the wider implications of this victory will be, but it's a welcome breath of militancy for the US labor movement. With rough economic times almost certainly ahead, I have a feeling militancy will be in demand again soon.

The New York Times has a surprisingly sympathetic and detailed article on the sit-in. Excellent analysis and first-hand reporting can also be found here and here.

baghdad shoe attack GO!

Oh, what a delight to watch President Bush, on his final visit to Iraq, get a pair of shoes thrown at him by an irate (and perhaps unwisely ballsy) Iraqi journalist.

The video has already, shall we say, gone viral, and turning on any real or satirical news broadcast will give you the chance to watch it again...and again...and again. (I've watched it about six times already.) While I must say I fear for this enterprising journalist's life, he can at least be content knowing that he has given the world a wonderful parting gift on behalf of the Bush administration.

There are numerous places to find the aforementioned video, but I like this one in particular, because it seems clear that these two serious, British-accented journalists find this pretty funny and are trying really hard to hide it.



Look at that man duck! At least Bush has excellent reflexes. He almost looks like he gets stuff thrown at him all the time.

As Michael Ware explains, throwing or hitting someone with a shoe is pretty much the ultimate insult in Iraqi culture. To the shoe-throwing journalist, who probably got the shit kicked out of him for this: I salute you!

Monday, December 8, 2008

another great idea for dec. 10

After someone named Mark Worthen, whom I don't know, left an interesting comment on my post about Day Without a Gay, I blog-stalked him and discovered Culture and Current Affairs out of Park City, Utah.

I really like the alternative actions that that Park City area activists have proposed for Dec. 10. And Mark also has some excellent and well-reasoned articles about why he opposes a proposed boycott of the Sundance Film Festival.

bill ayers in the new york times

Bill Ayers, the latest favorite boogeyman of the right, had an editorial in the New York Times on Friday.

In the 2008 election, the McCain/Palin campaign took guilt-by-association to a level that would make Joseph McCarthy proud, and Ayers was by far their favorite demon to invoke. I followed the Ayers hysteria (Ayersteria?) for as long as I could stomach it, since I've heard Bill Ayers speak at Chicago-area political events, and for many years frequented a certain Upper West Side bar owned by one of his old comrades from the Weather Underground. (In the closing days of the presidential campaign, Rashid Khalidi got dragged into the mix for good measure as a "PLO spokesperson." Khalidi was my teacher at Columbia, and about the most radical thing he did was allow us to not take our final exam "in solidarity" with the grad student strike.)

Amidst all the frothing at the mouth about him being a domestic terrorist, I'm glad Ayers saw fit to make an important point about the Weather Underground: they never killed anyone, except three of their own members who died in an accidental explosion in a Greenwich Village townhouse. Their bombs were always accompanied by warnings giving workers ample time to leave the targeted buildings. And, while I think most people today would say their actions were, at the very least, ill-advised, they weren't quite the American al-Qaeda that Republicans, particularly Palin, painted them to be.

I'm also glad Ayers made at least some attempt to explain the genesis of the Weather Underground: as a very extreme response to a brutal, insane, and seemingly unstoppable war that killed nearly 60,000 Americans and at least three million Vietnamese, Cambodians and Laotians. But I have to disagree with him on one point. I think the antiwar movement absolutely did bring an end to the Vietnam War.

It was not the marches on Washington, or even the student strikes, campus occupations and civil disobedience of activists in the US that stopped the war. Ayers is right about that--marches and sit-ins, no matter how massive, are not enough to bring the US war machine to a halt. Nor, I would argue, was the resistance, no matter how heroic and determined, of the Vietnamese people, who spent thirty years fighting for their country's liberation from colonialism and imperialism.

The US government could have ignored or repressed domestic opposition, and probably could have eventually crushed Vietnamese opposition (it was already on its way to doing so after the Tet Offensive) if not for the third factor in play, which was resistance to the war among US soldiers themselves. It was the antiwar movement among soldiers that brought about a collapse of the US armed forces so severe that it led generals to invoke the specter of the Russian Revolution.

The GI revolt is one of the least-known and most important elements of the 1960s. It's been brilliantly documented recently in the film Sir No Sir and the book Soldiers in Revolt. But it didn't happen in a vacuum. It was the determination of the Vietnamese that led many US soldiers to question what they were really fighting for. And it was the stateside antiwar movement that gave them the courage to start resisting what they were being asked to do.

For more on this time period, I cannot recommend enough one of the most brilliant and passionate historical books I've ever read, The American War: Vietnam 1960-1975 by Jonathan Neale. I first read this book not long after 9/11, and can say without reservation that it saved me from utter political depression. The documentary The Weather Underground is also an excellent, non-hysterical look at how a small group of activists progressed from marches and leaflets to blowing stuff up.

dec. 10 protest in los angeles

Apparently there is indeed going to be a protest on Dec. 10, Day Without a Gay, in Los Angeles. The details:

7pm start time
West Hollywood
good ol' Santa Monica & San Vicente

I don't have much more info on this protest, but it does have a Facebook page.

Sunday, December 7, 2008

another fun video on prop 8

Wait 'til about 1:30 for the kicker.

See more funny videos at Funny or Die

prop 8: the musical

Jack Black is Jesus. That's all you need to know.

See more Jack Black videos at Funny or Die

day without a gay, dec. 10

Organizers have called for December 10, International Human Rights Day, to be A Day Without a Gay. The official website recommends that LGBTQ folks boycott work on Dec. 10 and spend the day volunteering for a social justice cause.

While I'm all for coordinated actions that promote visibility, I have to say I'm a bit ambivalent about this campaign. Perhaps it's the fact that many--perhaps most--American workers don't have the liberty to "call in gay" without some consequences for their jobs in this perilous economic time, and those that do are probably already lucky enough to be in a work environment where diversity is respected. (Interestingly, there is already quite a debate raging on this exact issue on the Day Without a Gay discussion board.) Or perhaps it's that I think *going* to work on Dec. 10 and organizing your friends and co-workers to do something to support the fight for gay rights can be just as useful, if not more so.

So, if you are one of the many people out there who can't skip work for any number of reasons, or, like me, you're a grad student with the economic power of a potato chip, here are five suggestions of alternative/additional actions you can take on Dec. 10 to support gay rights.

1. Go to a protest, organizing meeting, teach-in, etc. if one is being held in your area, and invite some friends to go with you. (I know there is already a demonstration planned for San Francisco; I'm sure there are others I don't know about.)

2. Wear a t-shirt/sticker/button/armband/whatever showing your support for gay rights AND (this is the important part) talk to people about why you're wearing it.

3. Organize your friends/co-workers/classmates/whoever to go to a screening of Milk (but NOT, for crap's sake, at a Cinemark theater). Don't just go see the movie--plan to go out for drinks/food/coffee afterward and talk about what you learned from it.

4. Send a message to California legislators to support State Senate Resolution 7 (Leno) and Assembly Resolution 5 (Ammiano),which would make it official state policy to invalidate Prop 8.

5. If you're gay, come out to someone new. (If you're wondering why I included this, see #3 first.)

word! factory takeover in chicago

This is how you do it.



For more on how factory takeovers can work on a large scale in a modern economic crisis, I highly recommend Naomi Klein's excellent documentary The Take.

Saturday, December 6, 2008

more on milk

First of all, an edited version of my very long original blog post on Milk is now up on Scarlett Cinema. Thanks again to Karen Wang and the folks at Scarlett for allowing me to run my mouth...er, keyboard...on two films in under a week.

In other news, I must say that I think Focus Features's website for the movie is brilliant. Other than Participant, which does something similar for many of their films, this is one of the first times I've seen a production company consciously using interactive and social-networking elements to make their film feel like part of a movement. Of course, I'm sure this was conceived at least partly as a marketing gimmick. But it totally works here, since this film is part of a movement.

The "Milk Mosaic" is kind of a cheesy concept, but if you actually zoom in and look at the content that people have put up, it's pretty amazing. The mysterious "Harvey" feature that was marked "coming soon" for the longest time turned out to be an RSS feed with more great articles than even I can read. And the "Support Milk" function allows everyone to see the diversity, in age and geography, of people who've visited the site. If you see "Laura (27) from CA Supports Milk" flash by--that's me!

The "Articles" section is also chock full of great stuff, from interviews with Van Sant to a great little essay on filming some of the crowd scenes. Also featured is Jenni Olson's seven-minute experimental short film 575 Castro St., which was filmed on the set that was built for the film in the original location of Harvey's camera shop.

The audio track to the film is from the real Harvey Milk's "in-case" tape, recorded shortly after his election in 1977. This is, of course, the tape that serves as the framing device for most of the story in Milk. I watched 575 Castro St. a few times to try to determine what was so eerie about listening to the real thing. Maybe it's the fact that Sean Penn did make himself sound a bit like the real Harvey, but not exactly. Maybe it's Harvey's request that, instead of funeral services, the tape of his debate with Briggs be played over and over, "so that people know what the future's going to bring if they're not careful." Or maybe it's just his voice in the empty space, the same space in which it was recorded, that really makes you feel like you're listening to a ghost.

You can watch the film below, but it's really worth reading Olson's director's note first to understand just how many layers of history are represented here.


575 Castro St. from FilmInFocus on Vimeo.

r.i.p. nina foch

The incomparable Nina Foch, directing teacher to many a generation of USC film students, has passed away. Nina was 84, and despite the fact that she had to miss several of our classes due to illness this year, continued teaching right up until her last day of life.

While I know many of us sometimes questioned the relevance of her class for writers, I don't think I realized how much I had actually learned until I filmed my scene this morning. As someone with not very much directing experience, I definitely wouldn't have been as comfortable working with actors before I took her class. While I don't think my little reshoot of a scene from The Quiet American will be winning any awards, I think I produced something halfway decent, and it was actually a pretty fun experience.

I know Nina would want us to remember the good times, so in her honor, here is a short selection of the best out-of-context Nina-isms I remembered to write down over the past semester:

"Contrapuntal idiosyncratic juxtaposition strikes again!"

"Dean Martin was always drunk. He'd be drunk at nine in the morning."

"Mamet doesn't know anything about actors. Don't read that shit."

"Bob Altman was always trying to turn me on."

"The problem with peacocks is that they're dumb. They'll climb into a tree and fall asleep, and if it freezes, they'll freeze to the tree. Then you have to get the help to get them down."

[in response to one classmate's selection of a scene from Orgazmo] "I didn't see that movie. I didn't need to. I've had them."

We'll miss you, Nina!

Wednesday, December 3, 2008

"this isn't an issue. this is our lives."

Every once in a while, a movie comes along that just gets everything right. In fact, it gets so many things right that you remember not only what's so great about movies, but why you wanted to make them in the first place.

Gus Van Sant's Milk is one of those movies.

I don't know if I can even list all the things I loved and found powerful about this movie, but I will try. For details of the plot, just go see the movie. It's out (and proud :-)) in New York and LA, and will be opening in the rest of the country this weekend. If you haven't seen it--go see it.

On a purely artistic level, this film is an amazing achievement. Sean Penn (who, incidentally, is 48, the same age as Milk when he was assassinated) is simply phenomenal. He has utterly transformed himself. He has not only somehow found a way to make his nose and forehead bigger, but has captured the slightly awkward, slightly effeminate mannerisms, the way of speaking and even the way of smiling of someone else entirely. His chemistry with James Franco as boyfriend Scotty is so effortless and natural you almost don't notice it. Emile Hirsch disappears into his role as young activist Cleve Jones, as seamlessly as he did with Chris McCandless in the inexcusably underrated Into the Wild. Josh Brolin, who looks so much like Dan White it's creepy, manages in the space of only a few scenes to show us a man coming apart in ways that are truly terrifying. In fact, the closing moments of the film, when we know Dan is about to kill Harvey, are some of the scariest I can remember witnessing in a movie theater.

Gus Van Sant has captured the look and feel of 1970s San Francisco by filming--gasp!--in San Francisco. Many of the existing storefronts of the Castro were decorated to look as they would have thirty years ago. His use of archival footage is pitch-perfect--it's never distracting, but he knows when to bow to reality. The protest scenes, filmed with large numbers of non-professional extras, including some participants in the original events, look and feel like real protests. I'm particularly fond of the chant "Civil rights or civil war!" although I think it was probably proceeded by "1, 2, 3, 4."

(Note: After reading this article, it appears the full chant is "Civil rights or civil war!  Gay rights now!" which is not rhymie but still pretty badass.)

But best of all, and as it should be, this considerable artistic and technical achievement is placed humbly at the service of a profound and moving story with intense relevance for today. On the one hand, Milk shows us how much things have changed since the '70s. It's there in the ashamed, averted faces of men arrested at gay bars during the opening credits, in the desperate phone call from a gay teen in the Midwest, or in a brief but intense moment of fear as Harvey, already well known by that point, walks to his store alone at night. On the other hand, we see that some things have not changed at all. You could excise Anita Bryant's and John Briggs's anti-gay rants from the movie and put in Prop 8 campaign ads and have the exact same story.

Milk is not a documentary, but often feels like one. The blending of original and archival footage is never more powerful than in the film's concluding shot of the huge, silent candlelit funeral march from the Castro to City Hall. That shot of the actors at the front of the march was filmed by Van Sant. But that next shot, where the deathly silent crowd of stretches as far as the eye can see? That's real.

The only thing I can compare this film to in terms of authenticity is The Battle of Algiers--another film that was not a documentary, but almost felt like one because it was written by a participant in the events it depicted and re-enacted by people who had participated in those events, often in the exact locations where they had taken place.

Perhaps some of the power of the movie comes from the fact that Milk screenwriter Dustin Lance Black was himself one of those kids in the middle of the country who was inspired by Harvey's example. Aware of his sexuality at an early age, but faced with the triple threat of growing up Mormon, military, and Texan, Black finally saw the documentary The Times of Harvey Milk as a college student in the mid-'90s. "Texas kept me very quiet," Black told the Bay Area Reporter. "I became intensely shy, I had thoughts of suicide. I was a pretty dark kid, because I had an acute awareness of my sexuality, and was absolutely convinced that I was wrong. In his Hope Speech, Harvey Milk says, 'There's that kid in San Antonio, and he heard tonight that a gay man was elected to public office, and that will give him hope.' And when I first heard that speech, it really did that. It really, really gave me hope, for the first time."

This epiphany drove Black to spend nearly half his life, including the years when he worked as the sole Mormon writer on HBO's Big Love, in a quest to turn Milk's life into a feature film. Numerous screenwriters had been hacking away at adaptations of Randy Shilts's biography The Mayor of Castro Street for nearly as long, producing as many as 20 drafts of a screenplay. Robin Williams, Kevin Kline, Daniel Day-Lewis, Kevin Spacey, Richard Gere, James Woods and Steve Carrell were all prospective Harvey Milks at one time or another, although seeing Sean Penn in the role makes any other choice seem almost laughable. Oliver Stone was attached to direct at one point (thank God that fell apart.)

But since Black didn't own the rights to Shilts's book, he took a different approach. He contacted Cleve Jones and Anne Kronenberg and spend weekends driving back and forth between San Francisco and LA, meeting Milk's old friends and listening to Jones's stories. And, perhaps because he had once been a shy gay kid from Texas, he was able to find the emotional core of Harvey's story that had eluded screenwriters for so long.

Was it activist karma that led all the pieces of a film nearly twenty years in the making to fall together now? Whatever the reason, there has probably never been a more relevant time for this film.

I am not a movie crier, but there were a few moments in Milk that got me. One in particular was on election night for Prop 6, the gay-teacher-firing proposition also known as the Briggs initiative. Everyone on Harvey's staff is watching the election returns, and there is a map of California on the wall where they're marking off the counties--red for pass (like Prop 8, that's bad), green for fail. I recognize that map. It's colored in with marker, not digital on the CNN website, but the county borders are the same. But something very important is different. LA County is green. The Briggs initiative was defeated there 2-to-1, as it was across the state.

This was thirty years ago. If they could do this in 1978, when homosexuality had been considered a mental illness only a few years before, there is no excuse--none--for the passage of Prop 8 today.

When the Briggs initiative first got on the ballot, polls showed over 60% support for it. Gay rights activists thought it might even pass in San Francisco. Only months later, the initiative went down in a stunning defeat. Why? Because Harvey Milk and other waged a campaign that was unapologetic and spoke the truth about what this initiative represented--bigotry and hatred.

Harvey Milk was no saint--he could be as scheming and equivocal as any politician at times.  Witness when he offers a vague promise of alliance with Dan White only to retract it when it becomes politically unwise, or when he races to City Hall to placate a near-riotous demonstration he himself helped organize.  A scene in which he basically threatens to torpedo Mayor Moscone's re-election campaign if he lets Dan White back on the board shows how short and slippery the slope from empowerment to manipulation can be.  "A homosexual with power--that's scary," Milk says.  He says it with a joking smile, but it's no joke.

But there was one principle Harvey never backed down on.  It's summed up by his advice to Cleve Jones, who shows up in a suit at the "bourgeois" City Hall.  "Never blend in," Milk says.  After spending 40 years in the closet, working on Wall Street and making his boyfriends use the back door to his apartment building, Harvey was done with hiding.  Perhaps his most important contribution to the gay rights movement was his determination to be unapologetic.

There is a scene in Milk where Harvey goes to a meeting at the lavish, secluded house of the wealthy owners of the Advocate. They show him a flyer opposing Prop 6 on the basis of "human rights." This is garbage, he tells them. It doesn't even say the word "gay" on it. Nor do the endorsements include any gay public figures. He puts the flyer where it belongs--in the fireplace.

Sound familiar, anyone? The gay establishment rears its head!

Milk is not a traditional biopic. It's far more ambitious--and a far better film--than any of the spate of celebrity biopics to come out in recent years. It is the story of a person who both shaped and was shaped by a movement. The personal can't be separated from the political here.

More than anything, Milk is a film about how history drives people to fight back against injustice, whether they expect to or not. Harvey starts the film as a cautious, closeted man who resorts to rendezvouses with strangers in subway stations. He ends the film exhorting his friends to come out, debating bigoted politicians, and speaking to crowds of thousands. What happens in between? A gay man is murdered walking down Castro Street, and the cops seem more interested in raiding bars than investigating it. Crazy Christians try to pass a draconian ballot initiative allowing the firing of gay teachers and anyone who supports them. A lover commits suicide. Something changes in this formerly quiet man and he decides he must fight back. Why? Not because there is anything special about him, but because the alternative is intolerable. He becomes a leader. Why? Not because there is anything special about him, but because he's just not willing to give up.

I saw Milk in New York's East Village, on an atrociously cold, rainy, windy Sunday. We arrived at 3:45 to find the 4pm screening sold out, so we got tickets to the 5pm, which was also nearly sold out. The theater was packed and the audience was rapt. In fact, I can't remember seeing a film where the audience was as "with" the emotions of the story in a long time. I think that is a hopeful sign.

Milk is rated R, although the sexual content and language are mild. It's a shame, because this film should be played in every school in America. I can only hope that some gay teenagers in Kansas or Ohio or wherever will embody Harvey's spirit of resistance and sneak into the theater to see it.

Tuesday, December 2, 2008

my review of "twilight" on scarlett cinema

I've been morbidly fascinated by the whole Twilight phenomenon ever since Stephanie Meyer started pretending she's the next JK Rowling (which, let me tell you, she is most certainly not.)

I was going to write an article about Twilight for this blog, but then I had a better idea, and wrote one for my friend Karen's excellent film blog Scarlett Cinema instead.  You can read it here.

Thursday, November 27, 2008

harvey milk, 5.22.1930 - 11.27.1978

Today is Thanksgiving. It's also the 30th anniversary of Harvey Milk's assassination.

If Harvey were here today...well, he'd be 78. But I have no doubt he'd be out there in the streets with us! Keep fighting the good fight, everyone!

Sunday, November 23, 2008

violence abroad, violence at home

I wanted to take a moment to mention two other articles of note in this week's New York Times.

The first is a rather grim report on domestic violence by returning Iraq war vets--particularly the case of Sgt. Carlos Renteira, who, instead of receiving Army-mandated anger management and substance abuse counseling after beating up his wife...was redeployed to Iraq and promoted.

The article also mentions not one but *two* rashes of murders of women (both female soldiers and wives of soldiers) at North Carolina's Ft. Bragg--one that made headlines in 2002 when many troops returned from Afghanistan, and another that's happened in the past four months. Apparently babies aren't the only thing that come with the return of the 82nd Airborne.

The second article, I'd like to think, is a bit more hopeful. It describes a pilot program in New York's Washington Heights that trains hairstylists to identify signs of domestic abuse and offer basic counseling and sources of information for victims of violence--not unlike the work done by organizations like RAINN. Hairstylists might seem like a random choice, but as the article points out, they often end up serving as the "therapist of last resort," particularly for women who can't afford or are afraid to seek other counseling services. And "the salon might be one of the few places women might be without their abuser around." The program, modeled on the fairly large and successful Cut It Out initiative in Chicago, targets a neighborhood where people may be particularly mistrustful of police or city social service workers.

dianne feinstein remembers harvey milk

If you live in California, you may remember the No on 8 ad in which Dianne Feinstein appeared. What I didn't remember, until Maureen Dowd reminded me in her latest column, was that Feinstein was the person who found the bodies of Mayor George Moscone and Supervisor Harvey Milk in San Francisco's City Hall, thirty years ago this week.

"To get a pulse, I put my finger in a bullet hole," Feinstein told Dowd. "It was a terrible, terrible time in the city's history."

It was also Feinstein who had the unenviable task of succeeding Moscone as mayor of a city rocked by the twin tragedies of the assassinations and the mass suicide at Jonestown, which involved many San Fransiscans. "It took me seven years before I could sit in George Moscone's chair," she said.

Harvey Milk, the US's first openly gay elected official, was gunned down by Dan White, an ex-cop and Vietnam vet who had clashed with Milk on the San Francisco Board of Supervisors. In his brief time in office, Milk helped defeat the draconian Briggs Initiative, also known as Prop 6, a witchhunt measure that would have banned gays from teaching in schools.

It's quite fortuitous that Gus Van Sant's Milk is opening in theaters this week, in the midst of the biggest struggle for gay rights in years. I have to say, I was initially skeptical when I heard Sean Penn would be playing the title role. Sean Penn didn't seem to look anything like Harvey Milk. But one viewing of the trailer will show you the truly eerie transformation Penn has achieved--as well as the fact that is movie is now far more relevant that I'm sure the filmmakers could ever have imagined.

Early reviews of the movie, particularly from those who knew the participants, have been impressive. I'm planning to see the movie later this week and will provide a full report. In the meantime, I recommend the excellent (and very much ahead of its time for 1984) documentary, The Times of Harvey Milk.

Friday, November 21, 2008

"stonewall 2.0" + another great blog to read

So, not one day after I wrote about the "gay establishment" in my post on last Saturday's Prop 8 protest, I discovered someone else was writing about the same thing much more eloquently and in more detail.

I *highly* recommend checking out Rex Wockner's blog, which contains a stunning array of reports on Prop 8 protests around the country and trenchant analysis of the Prop 8 campaign's rather timid, and ultimately unsuccessful, strategy, particularly here and here.

He has also posted fantastic pictures of a number of the recent Prop 8 protests, including lots from the 25,000 strong march in San Diego (pictured above), which looks amazing and turned out to be the largest in the country on 11/15. San Diego? Who knew??

What Wockner has picked up on is the amazing, exuberant energy at these protests, which is totally different from anything I experienced while working with the "official" No on 8 campaign. This energy, plus the incredible, viral speed with which word of these protests spread is what makes it feel like we are really potentially at the beginning of a new movement.

I have been to a hell of a lot of protests. Not hundreds, but certainly dozens, and some huge ones too--the million-strong March for Womens' Lives; half a million against the Iraq war on Feb. 15, 2003 in New York. But only a handful have had the transformative feeling of these protests--particularly that first march down Sunset the night after the election. That feeling that you may be at the start of something very important and special.

There is really only one other protest I've been to that compares to that night march on Nov. 5. That was the protest I went to on September 21, 2001. I actually mentioned this protest in my application to USC, in my "most emotional moment" essay, because the experience is still vivid after seven years. When someone put out a call for a march against war 10 days after September 11th, no one was really sure what to expect. There wasn't even a war to protest yet, although we were quite sure there would be soon enough. We didn't think anyone but really hard-core leftists would show up for a peace march ten days after September 11th. The World Trade Center rubble was still burning, and you could smell it as we gathered at Union Square. Two hundred people would be an excellent turnout, we decided. We were utterly shocked when five thousand people showed up. These were New Yorkers, and they were saying no to war. When people started chanting "No war, no attacks, bombs won't bring our loved ones back," you felt like you were witnessing a really historic moment.

Of course, these explosive moments of protest have their challenges, too. The problem with spontaneous, decentralized protests is that it's hard to keep them going without some kind of leadership that is reasonably well-organized and committed to struggle. The antiwar movement that gave birth to that protest on September 21st basically collapsed two months later with the fall of Kabul, and it took another two years and another war to get people into the streets again. A number of bloggers have dubbed the protests against Prop 8 "Stonewall 2.0." History will judge whether this is an accurate description. But one thing is clear, which is that nothing resembling Gay Liberation Front 2.0 or ACT UP 2.0 has yet emerged. These are the kind of organizations that will need to develop if this movement is going to be more than a flash in the pan.

Wednesday, November 19, 2008

this just in: prop 8 is going to court!

The California State Supreme Court has agreed to hear the lawsuit challenging Prop 8! This does not mean the court is necessarily in favor of overturning Prop 8. It just means that the case will be heard.

A hearing is set for March, exact date TBD. More details soon.

Keep fighting everyone!!!

report from saturday's protest





Hello, all. You may have noticed that the blog posts have not been coming at the frenetic pace that you may have come to expect based on the first half of November. That's mostly because my writing energy over the past week was sucked up by a 12-page paper for my critical studies class and a 15-20 page script for my short film class, both of which have now been turned in. By the way, if you ever have five hours to kill, I recommend watching Errol Flynn's They Died With Their Boots On (1941) back to back with Little Big Man (1970). I can't think of two other movies that treat the same historical events from such different political points of view, and I think I may have "Gary Owen" stuck in my head for the next week.

I did, of course, make time to attend Saturday's national day of protest against Prop 8. First of all, major shout-out to Jessica S., who of all my friends who said they might come was the only one who actually showed up--and gave me a ride :-). I have been going to these things out of some deep-seated activist reflex that apparently still lurks within me, not really caring whether anyone I knew was there. But it was definitely nice not to be protesting solo this time around.

The LA protest was in the 10,000-15,000 range, similar to last weekend's march in Silverlake. The awesome, festive, defiant atmosphere was still there and doesn't need repeating, so I'll only focus on the things I thought were important.

The organizers--who in LA seemed definitely to be from the "gay establishment"--wisely seemed to be making an effort to counter the destructive finger-pointing that cropped up right after the election, with some people trying to blame Blacks and Latinos for Prop 8's passage. The speaker list included the current head of the Southern Christian Leadership Council and several Latino speakers...including, oh yeah, Antonio Villaraigosa, the mayor of Los Angeles.

Now, I'm not all about elected officials, but when was the last time you heard of a mayor of a major city coming to speak at a protest? Add to that the fact that large sections of Southern California are currently on fire and LA County is under a state of emergency. (For those outside of Cali, the fires are not anywhere near me--although I can smell them when the wind blows.) This dude had every excuse not to show up for a bunch of gays, but he nevertheless landed in a helicopter and gave a bilingual speech before heading back to the fires. Which all things considered seems pretty cool. I'm sure it also accounts for the comedically light police presence, which amounted to about seven cops on bikes. Seriously, this is the LAPD, and they were so tame it was almost laughable.

After the rally there was a march through downtown and then something very interesting happened. We started marching into the middle of nowhere. Seriously, I still haven't quite worked out where we were going. We ended up in some hot, dusty park among a bunch of warehouses. It has been unseasonably hot in LA (hence the fires) and it was in the 90s on Saturday. Supposedly there was going to be another rally in this park at the end of the world, but I never found out, because the several-hundred-strong group of people we were with got fed up and decided to turn around and march back into the city. So a huge bunch of people just turned around and started marching back to City Hall.

The cops repeatedly told us that the streets had been reopened and that we needed to get on the sidewalk "for our own safety," but they really weren't trying that hard to stop us from going anywhere. There was one tense moment when a little pod of riot cops showed up and blocked a particular street, but the crowd just went the other way and they didn't really try to stop us.

At some point near City Hall, we were confronted by one of the "official" organizers, an older white dude with a megaphone. A brief shouting war broke out between this guy and some of the leaders of our protest pod, which was mostly young people and fairly multiracial. People were yelling "Why did we march to the middle of nowhere?" and this guy, who looked fairly unprepared for the situation, was asking us what we wanted to do.

The decision was finally made to march to Hollywood and Highland for...no reason in particular, as far as I can tell. The crowd had dwindled to less than 200 at that point, and Jessica and I decided to peace out since it was really hot and we'd had enough marching for one day. (On a small note of personal pride: although I was out in the blazing sun for at least four hours, I did *not* get seriously sunburnt. Go my pasty white skin!) But I thought this incident was interesting because it revealed several things.

One: people clearly want to do more than march in a circle. I've noticed that in LA, more than in other cities, it feels like you're marching in the middle of nowhere. Perhaps this is because of LA's epic failure as an example of urban planning--LA is more like a bunch of roads with a higher-than-average density of stuff lining them than an actual city. But clearly, there is a demand for action that feels more concrete. There is also clearly a real divide between different layers or sections of the movement, between the "gay establishment" that I talked about (the somewhat conservative, Democrat-sponsoring, non-profit-status-having, black-tie-fundraiser-hosting crowd from organizations like Equality California, the HRC and the National Gay & Lesbian Task Force), and a younger, less organized crowd that is more militant, more racially diverse, more gender-queer, less wealthy and less interested in assimilation.

These differences have always been present in the gay rights movement; they were painfully apparent when I organized with Marriage Equality New York in 2004. There were a lot of debates about "what kind of image we wanted to project"--essentially, what kind of gays we wanted to be. Underneath this were a lot of unspoken divisions along lines of race, class, gender expression, and politics. One manifestation of these debates was the argument by some people that we shouldn't be fighting for acceptance into a straight institution that was based on a whole bunch of fucked-up sexism and property relations and fitting into a certain somewhat conformist lifestyle.

We saw a redux of some of these arguments in the Prop 8 campaign--when a campaign staffer advised us not to wear "Prop H8" t-shirts because "we want to be about love, not hate," or in the No on 8 ads that consistently featured no identifiably gay people, never used the word "homophobia," and only brought out "discrimination" at the last minute. The interesting thing about the Prop 8 protests has been that from the very first demonstration the day after the election, people in the crowd instinctively made the obviously link--that overturning Prop 8 is not about fighting for marriage; it's about fighting bigotry, discrimination and homophobia. It's about the visibility of gay people, which is still the number one defense against homophobia. There is a reason that voters under 30 voted 2-to-1 against Prop 8--young people are much more likely to know someone who is openly gay.

I'm getting off on a bit of a tangent here, but I think these are issues that will continue to crop up in the gay rights movement. The point of bringing them up isn't to "solve" anything. Any identity-based movement that unites people across class, race, gender and political lines has divisions in it. While the next step of the specific movement against Prop 8 is a little unclear, it will be interesting to see how this movement develops.

Wednesday, November 12, 2008

prop 8 protest in utah

A youth organization called Amplify Your Voice posted this great video of a protest against Prop 8 in Utah on Friday.

Amplify Your Voice is currently creating a documentary about the Prop 8 protests. If you have video of an event, please consider sending it to them. You can contact Will Neville at FightBackAgsinstHate@gmail.com.

nationwide prop 8 protest this saturday!

Fight the H8 in Your State
A group called JoinTheImpact--which, from what I gather, is mostly two women and their blogs--has called for simultaneous nationwide protests of Prop 8 at city halls across the country this weekend. They've seemingly gotten a pretty strong response across Cyberland, with even local media outlets like KTLA taking notice.

Protests are now organized for at least one city in every state, with over 30 protests planned for California alone. The organizers seem to have hit on a potentially powerful organizing strategy--using the Internet and social networking sites (I found out about it on Facebook) to get the word out, then asking people to contact their local LGBT center/activist group/civil rights organization to sponsor a protest in their area.

How large these events will be will depend a lot on the on-the-ground organizing that exists in each location--but the speed with which this has come together (like, 3 days) is encouraging.

The protests are scheduled for Saturday, November 15 at the following times:

8:30 am HST (yes, that's Hawaii!)
10:30 am Pacific
11:30 am Mountain
12:30 pm Central
1:30 pm Eastern

You can find your local protest location here.

In other Prop 8 news, Governor Schwartzenegger spoke out against Prop 8 on CNN, a group of state legislators has filed a brief asking the state supreme court to overturn Prop 8, and this straight white dude is really, really angry.

Sunday, November 9, 2008

prop 8 protest roundup






I just returned from the march in Silverlake, which I guessed at 15,000-20,000 people, although the LA Times is reporting 12,500.

Like Wednesday, it was an incredibly diverse and spirited crowd. Also, apparently it is easy as shit to get a street closed in LA, because although the organizers supposedly didn't have a permit, we marched in the street and the cops were generally chill (although the horses did leave giant turd bombs to watch out for). At the end they started playing dance music from the sound truck and the whole thing, in true gay fashion, turned into a giant dance party.

Earlier today, up to 10,000 people marched in San Diego, while "thousands" took to the streets in San Francisco on Friday. There was even a march of 2,000 in Long Beach--where cops apparently felt the need to break this out (see guy on right side of photo).

prop 8 and race: dissecting the lies

I took this photo tonight at the Prop 8 protest. The other side of the woman's sign says "Prop 8 = Jim Crow."

In the past few days, a disturbing allegation has appeared on the Internet and even in the LA Times: that a high turnout of Black voters gave Prop 8 the margin of victory on election day.

In almost all cases, the statistical evidence for this argument is a CNN exit poll that showed 70% of Blacks voting for Prop 8. But as Shanikka on the Daily Kos points out, there is some extremely shady demography at work in this poll. It's really worth reading her entire post on the subject, which is long and math-filled, but shows how it's basically COMPLETELY STATISTICALLY IMPOSSIBLE to make the claim that Black people are to blame for the passage of Prop 8.

I started hearing this argument the day after the election, and it's unfounded, damaging, and frankly, just plain racist. Anyone who tries to blame another minority for our rights being taken away is only hurting our movement. There are so many wrong assumptions behind this theory--from the unstated implication that "gay" and "Black" are mutually exclusive categories, to the idea that Black people somehow "owe us one" for helping put "their guy" in office.

If you want to blame someone here, blame the Yes on 8 folks, who ran a campaign of misinformation, confusion and lies, and cynically targeted Black households with a mailer claiming Barack Obama supported Prop 8 (not true) mere days before the election. Or, blame the Mormon Church, whose members contributed anywhere from 45% to 70% of the funding for the Yes on 8 campaign.

The good folks at Racialicious have plenty to say on this more eloquent that I, including an excellent roundtable on the subject.